Iron Lady 2.0: Japan’s first female prime minister is taking a harder line than most of her predecessors

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Who is Madame Takaichi

On Oct. 21, Japanese Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) leader Sanae Takaichi officially assumed office as her country’s 104th prime minister, becoming the first woman in the country’s history to head the government. Her appointment marks not only a symbolic breakthrough for Japanese politics but also a transformation within the LDP itself. Japan has long lagged behind other democracies when it comes to the integration of women in politics.

Takaichi had already made two attempts to lead Japan’s ruling party — in 2021 and 2024 — making her recent victory look like the logical culmination of a decade-long rise through the party hierarchy. The LDP itself had been struggling. In the October 2024 elections, for the first time since 2012, the party lost its majority in the lower house of parliament.

Sanae Takaichi was born in 1961 in Nara Prefecture. She graduated from the economics department of Kobe University and also studied at the Matsushita Institute of Government and Management, an elite school for leadership and public service designed to train future politicians and administrators. She passed entrance exams to Japan’s most prestigious private universities, Keio and Waseda, but her parents decided to use their savings for her younger brother’s education and insisted she stay at home. Takaichi refused and enrolled in a less prestigious university instead. As a student, she stood out as a vibrant personality. Passionate about rock music and drumming, she traveled across the country on a Kawasaki Z400GP motorcycle.

At the start of her political career, Takaichi interned in the U.S. Congress, then taught at Kinki University in Osaka, where she lectured on industrial policy and the development of small and medium-sized businesses. Immersed in the political environment of Western countries, she repeatedly said her role model was “iron lady” Margaret Thatcher, the first female prime minister of the United Kingdom.

Unlike many other successful Japanese politicians, Sanae Takaichi does not come from a political dynasty. Her father worked for an automobile company, and her mother served in the police. Nevertheless, Takaichi steadily climbed the political ladder, holding key posts in parliament, including chair of the Committee on Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, as well as the Committee on Parliamentary Affairs.

Within the LDP, she thrice headed the Policy Research Council — the party’s internal “think tank” responsible for strategic initiatives. In addition, Takaichi led the Headquarters for Japan’s Economic Revitalization and twice chaired the Headquarters for Cybersecurity, earning a reputation as one of the party’s most competent administrators in the fields of digitalization and industrial policy.

Takaichi has also served in government multiple times. She was parliamentary secretary for economy, trade, and industry, deputy minister of economy, trade, and industry on three occasions, and three times the minister of state for special missions. Finally, she served as minister of internal affairs and communications — a position she held longer than any of her predecessors.

A shaky position

Ahead of the Oct. 4 prime ministerial election, the LDP saw intense internal competition for the leadership post. Japan’s ruling party has two ways of electing a leader: a full-scale vote involving both lawmakers and rank-and-file members from across the country, or a shortened process in which only lawmakers and regional party branches take part.

Normally, when a prime minister resigns unexpectedly, the latter option is used. However, for reputational reasons, the LDP chose the “general” vote in the past two instances — a decision that worked in Takaichi’s favor, as she was the favorite among ordinary party members but not among lawmakers.

In the first round, she placed third among parliamentary votes, but strong backing from rank-and-file members carried her into the final. Among lawmakers, she won only 64 votes — fewer than her main rivals within the party, Shinjiro Koizumi, the son of former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, who received 80 votes, and Yoshikazu Hayashi, who got 72. Still, in the decisive round, Takaichi secured 149 parliamentary votes — just beating out Koizumi’s 145.

The absence of a clear leader with an appealing and actionable agenda had led to the LDP’s poor showing in the House of Representatives elections in October 2024 and in the House of Councillors elections in July 2025. However, the emergence of a leader like Takaichi has created a different problem.

After her election as party head, a political crisis erupted. Komeito, a center-right party founded by the Japanese Buddhist organization Soka Gakkai, announced its exit from the alliance that had existed since 1999. Supporters of this party were widely regarded as providing the LDP with at least 20% of its parliamentary votes. Yet this time, Komeito leader Tetsuo Saito stated that in the upcoming prime ministerial vote, party members would not support Sanae Takaichi in parliament.

Komeito cited three reasons for withholding support. For one, members condemned the LDP’s insufficient response to recent scandals within Komeito related to shadow financing of election campaigns. Second, former LDP allies were dissatisfied with Takaichi’s hardline anti-immigration stance. And finally, Komeito refused to back her radical reinterpretation of history, which downplayed Japan’s role as an aggressor in World War II (Takaichi famously paid visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, which is associated with Japanese militarism).

Still, the final straw for Komeito was the return of former Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry Koichi Hagiuda, who had been suspended from party positions for a year due to his involvement in a corruption scandal that led to the fall of Fumio Kishida’s government just over a year ago. Komeito cited the LDP’s failure to fully investigate the financial scandal, which had contributed greatly to the party’s electoral losses in both chambers of parliament.

In the lower house, the ruling coalition of the LDP and Komeito held only 221 out of 465 seats, short of the 233 needed for a majority (though still enough to make consolidated decisions due to opposition disunity). Losing a partner controlling 25 parliamentary seats on the eve of an election could have been a fatal blow for the LDP.

However, Sanae Takaichi managed within a few days to forge a partnership with the opposition Japan Innovation Party — a center-right grouping based not in Osaka — advocating economic decentralization and administrative reform. It is considered one of the most influential regional movements in Japan, consistently promoting the idea of transforming Osaka into a “second capital” alongside Tokyo and representing the interests of the country’s western regions.

Although the party promotes its image as an opposition force, its support for Takaichi’s new cabinet effectively gave the ruling coalition a parliamentary majority. However, the alliance with the LDP remains conditional — representatives of the Japan Innovation Party avoid participating in government, seeking to preserve electoral independence and while distancing themselves from potential scandals. This opens space for new coalition configurations and may force Takaichi to pursue situational alliances, including with moderate factions outside the LDP’s usual list of potential partners.

These complexities, however, have not prevented Takaichi from starting her term with high public approval. According to a Kyodo News poll conducted immediately after her appointment as LDP leader, 68.4% of respondents expressed positive expectations for the new leadership. This level of support reflects a rare convergence in Japanese politics between public demand for renewal and trust in a figure perceived as a symbol of change.

Right-wing isolationists

The upper house parliamentary elections held in July 2025 highlighted a new political trend in Japan. The LDP suffered heavy losses, while the ultra-conservative Sanseitō party achieved significant gains, mobilizing anti-immigrant voters under the slogan “Japanese First.”

Former Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, who held a centrist position, failed to unify the LDP’s right wing, resulting in part of the conservative electorate shifting to even more right-leaning parties. The loss of youth support created an additional problem. In the July elections, younger voters increasingly backed radical and nationalist movements. Weakening positions in rural districts, traditionally the LDP’s main base, sent a troubling signal to party leadership.

In this context, Sanae Takaichi’s rise to prominence marked a shift of the party to the right and an effort to strengthen its conservative identity. Takaichi twice secured decisive support from regional delegates, even though she was not considered the favorite of the parliamentary faction. Rank-and-file LDP members are significantly more conservative than the average Japanese voter — they consistently delivered Takaichi victories in internal party elections, even as lawmakers continued to support moderate candidates.

Takaichi is not the only female politician with right-wing views. Over the past 25 years, the number of women politicians labeled “hawks,” or supporters of a hardline conservative stance, has noticeably grown among those holding influential posts.

Women in Japanese politics

Japan continues to face deeply entrenched gender barriers in politics and leadership. Despite high levels of education and professional training, women encounter cultural expectations that obligate them to serve as keepers of the household, limiting career opportunities in government and business. In a persistently conservative, patriarchal society, efforts to break the “glass ceiling” that blocks women from advancing to senior posts have produced limited results.

According to the World Economic Forum’s 2025 Global Gender Gap Report, Japan ranks only 118th out of 148 countries, showing particularly weak performance in politics and leadership. Women hold just 15.7% of parliamentary seats — the lowest figure among G7 nations. In the corporate sector, the share of women in executive positions is also extremely low, reflecting a systemic concentration of power in the hands of men and limited career advancement opportunities for women.

The LDP’s Fifth Basic Plan for Gender Equality, which aimed to field 35% female candidates by 2025, has seen delays in its implementation — in this year’s upper house elections, the figure reached only 21.5%, and in the 2024 lower house elections, it was just 16.1%. Power structures within parties, particularly the LDP, remain historically rigid and privileged, making it difficult for “new” candidates, including women and young people, to advance.

Before Takaichi, no woman had held the post of prime minister, although prominent figures such as former environment minister and current Tokyo governor Yuriko Koike, former minister of internal affairs and communications Seiko Noda, and former justice minister Yoko Kamikawa repeatedly sought to lead the government.

Beyond the system that prevents married couples from having different surnames — a rule Takaichi supports, with her husband taking her name to comply — and the weakly defined support for working women. Japan remains behind the curve when it comes to reproductive health. Only in October 2025 was emergency contraception approved for over-the-counter sale. In short, restrictions on women extend far beyond politics, affecting their personal and social rights.

Heir to Shinzo Abe’s political legacy

In her political views, Sanae Takaichi positions herself as the successor to Shinzo Abe — Japan’s longest-serving and most popular prime minister, known for his conservative platform and tough policies. Her initial party appointments were drawn from people close to Abe, as well as those who supported her in previous elections.

Abe’s political legacy included efforts to revise the pacifist constitution, particularly Article 9, which renounces war and the maintenance of regular armed forces. He also advocated media control, nationalism, and conservative social values — all while actively seeking to foster better relations with Russia. During her campaign, Takaichi did not focus on constitutional reform but emphasized traditional values, including support for restrictions on spouses having different surnames and a strict stance on immigration. In her meeting with Donald Trump, she firmly refused his suggestion that Japan stop purchasing Russian energy.

Abe’s economic program, or “Abenomics,” which Takaichi also seems to favor, rested on three pillars: monetary policy, fiscal policy, and structural reforms. The new prime minister has already announced large-scale government spending, subsidies, and tax incentives aimed at boosting the stock market. Despite a lack of specifics on structural reforms, she has the potential to advance the “third arrow” of Abenomics.

In Abe’s concept, this “arrow” was expressed through annual key performance indicators (KPIs) with specific targets for each year. Some goals were modest and easily achievable, while others were ambitious, such as increasing the number of women in leadership positions.

Special attention was given to technology: using drones for infrastructure maintenance and implementing robotics in healthcare. By the end of the program, about 40% of the KPIs were achieved, 25% were revised, and the rest were quietly abandoned.

Nevertheless, these targets provided a detailed roadmap for the country’s future. They disciplined the bureaucracy and sent the private sector a clear signal of government priorities. These concrete, forward-looking goals helped Abe lead Japan out of the “lost decades,” creating a long-term innovation-driven vision that continues to shape the country’s international image.

Economic and social challenges

Japan’s domestic economic environment is marked by rising prices, an aging population, and increasing healthcare and pension expenditures. Takaichi’s economic policy, informally dubbed “Sanaenomics,” envisions large-scale government spending and loose monetary policy, which could fuel rather than contain inflation. Potential measures include subsidies and tax incentives for the middle and working classes, likely appealing to a significant portion of the population.

Her agenda also includes deregulation, boosting competition, and advancing technology, including in the fields of artificial intelligence, autonomous transport, and remote work. These initiatives aim to transform the labor market and modernize traditional industries.

Japan faces external economic risks as well, most notably as the result of U.S. tariffs, ongoing restructuring of global supply chains, and pressure from Chinese competitors.

Takaichi also takes a hardline stance on migration, going so far as to accuse tourists and migrants of breaking local laws and failing to respect Japanese culture. These statements have garnered support from part of the electorate while simultaneously sparking criticism, particularly as they were not substantiated by evidence. This strategy is aimed at the LDP’s right wing and voters who backed the far-right Sanseitō party.

Foreign policy context

Takaichi’s past political gestures (including visits to the “controversial” Yasukuni Shrine), along with the intensification of nationalist rhetoric in education, have raised concerns among neighboring countries. At the same time, it is already clear that the new prime minister will seek to maintain positive relations with the United States.

When it comes to international security, Takaichi emphasizes the need to strengthen Japan’s defense capabilities. However, regarding Ukraine, the new prime minister has been critical of U.S. diplomatic initiatives and contacts with Russia, arguing that negotiations without real military support cannot ensure stability, and that recognizing the legitimacy of changing borders by force would undermine the global order

She pays particular attention to threats from neighboring states, including Russia, China, and North Korea, all of which possess nuclear weapons and are increasing strategic cooperation, directly affecting Japan’s interests.

In economic and regional policy, Takaichi sees strategic value in developing constructive relations with South Korea. Building on successful diplomatic initiatives from the previous period, she may focus on strengthening connections between the two countries’ startup ecosystems and business communities, as well as addressing shared social challenges such as aging populations and declining birth rates.

Takaichi’s new government

Despite expectations of a shift to the right in Japanese politics, Prime Minister Takaichi’s cabinet boasts a diversity of political views. Key posts were filled by veterans of Shinzo Abe’s administration, and former prime minister Taro Aso, who actively supported Takaichi, became LDP vice president. After the cabinet was announced, public attention focused on how many women would hold key positions. It turned out there are only two in the cabinet: finance minister Satsuki Katayama and minister for economic security Kimi Onoda as (previous administrations had as many as five).

At a press conference, Takaichi explained her personnel decisions by noting that “there are few female lawmakers in the party, and among experienced supporters of the conservative line, suitable candidates are practically nonexistent.”

The appointment of eight women as deputy ministers and parliamentary secretaries appears to be an attempt to maintain balance, yet society tends to evaluate diversity based on the number of representatives named to ministerial positions. As a result, Takaichi’s reference to “many women” is perceived as an unfulfilled campaign promise.

Despite her historic rise through the “glass ceiling,” social media discussions frequently refer to the prime minister using the slang term “honorary man,” which describes women who have integrated into the male-dominated system and share its values. Some criticize Takaichi for adapting to male dominance, while others view such comments as sexism targeting successful women.

In any case, experts note the psychological impact of women holding high positions: “The very fact that women can occupy prominent roles lowers barriers for others and signals the possibilities for leadership within a patriarchal system,” says lawyer Naomi Kose.