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A bill granting Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) the right to establish its own pretrial detention centers has been submitted to the State Duma, MP Vasily Piskarev announced on Feb. 26. The initiative is nothing less than a “professional necessity” for Russia’s notorious security agency, says lawyer Ivan Pavlov, founder of the Perviy Otdel (lit. “Department One”) human rights advocacy project.
According to the bill’s explanatory note, the proposed changes aim to “increase the efficiency” of the FSB. The plan would transfer certain pretrial detention centers currently under the Federal Penitentiary Service (FSIN) to the agency’s control, granting it authority over the custody and transportation of detainees. The move revives a practice from the 1990s, which ended in 2005 with the placement of these facilities under FSIN control following recommendations from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). Russia was a PACE member from 1996 to 2022.
“Experience from past years has shown that the decisions previously made under the influence of our Western 'partners' — in the name of so-called 'European values' — have not contributed to enhancing our country's security or effectively preventing dangerous crimes,” Piskarev wrote on his Telegram channel.
The MP claims that transferring detention centers back under the control of the FSB is necessary in order to “prevent foreign intelligence services and terrorist organizations from establishing contact with detainees suspected of espionage and terrorism, obstructing investigations, or recruiting them for further subversive activities.”
However, in practice, the FSB already operates detention facilities that house individuals accused under state security-related charges such as treason, espionage, terrorism, and extremism. These include the notorious Lefortovo Prison in Moscow, SIZO No. 2 in Taganrog (which holds Ukrainian prisoners of war), and SIZO No. 3 in St. Petersburg. According to Perviy Otdel’s count, Russian courts convicted 359 people on espionage charges in 2024 alone.
Speaking to The Insider, the group’s founder Ivan Pavlov describes the bill as a “professional necessity” for the FSB,:
“From what I understand, this is what you would call a professional necessity for the Chekists [state security officers]. The number of cases under their operational supervision or formally assigned to the FSB’s jurisdiction is growing. Last year, we [Perviy Otdel] counted a total of 1,000 cases, about 800 of which were initiated during the war. Essentially, in the past year, courts issued a conviction every single day, including weekends and holidays. These cases have spread across the regions — they are no longer just investigated in Moscow or St. Petersburg. Previously, espionage cases were mostly handled in Moscow, meaning the FSB’s central units were responsible. But now, they don’t have enough resources, so they are involving regional offices.”
Pavlov points out that, if passed, the bill would merely formalize existing arrangements — facilities like Lefortovo, already considered FSB-run, would be officially transferred to the agency. Instead of constructing new detention centers, the FSB would likely repurpose existing FSIN infrastructure. Pavlov suggests that special detention blocks operating under FSB-specific protocols could be created within existing facilities.
The lawyer also warns that the bill would further complicate defense work in cases related to treason, terrorism, and espionage:
“Getting into Lefortovo [to see clients] is already extremely difficult — you can only do so with the [state] investigator’s permission. In other detention centers, especially in the regions, uniform rules apply: any lawyer can enter by presenting an official warrant and ID, as required by law. However, in some facilities, even that is not enough — you need investigator approval for everything. Now, they want to codify this restriction and establish dedicated infrastructure for it nationwide.”